Whereas it appears that a state of war exists between Austria, Prussia, Sardinia, Great Britain, and the United Netherlands, of the one part, and France on the other; and the duty and interest of the United States require, that they should with sincerity and good faith adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent Powers; . . .

. . . The result is a conviction that the States have no power, by taxation or otherwise, to retard [slow down], impede, burden, or in any manner control, the operations of the constitutional laws enacted by Congress to carry into execution the powers vested in the general government. This is, we think, the unavoidable consequence of that supremacy which the constitution has declared. We are unanimously of opinion, that the law passed by the legislature of Maryland, imposing a tax on the Bank of the United States, is unconstitutional and void. . . .

. . . This treaty [Louisiana Purchase] must of course be laid before both houses, because both have important functions to exercise respecting it. They I presume will see their duty to their country in ratifying & paying for it, so as to secure a good which would otherwise probably be never again in their power. But I suppose they must then appeal to the nation for an additional article to the constitution, approving & confirming an act which the nation had not previously authorised. The constitution has made no provision for our holding foreign territory, still less for incorporating foreign nations into our union. . . .

. . . As to the policy I “seem to be pursuing” as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt.I would save the Union. I would save it the shortest way under the Constitution. The sooner the national authority can be restored; the nearer the Union will be “the Union as it was.” If there be those who would not save the Union, unless they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If there be those who would not save the Union unless they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not agree with them. My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored [African American] race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union. . . .

Source: Letter from President Abraham Lincoln to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862

"HIT HARDER, THEODORE!"

... As a people we have played a large part in the world, and we are bent upon making our future even larger than the past. In particular, the events of the last four years have definitely decided that, for woe or weal [poverty or prosperity], our place must be great among the nations. We may either fall greatly or succeed greatly; but we cannot avoid the endeavor from which either great failure or great success must come. Even if we would, we can not play a small part. If we should try, all that would follow would be that we should play a large part ignobly [dishonorably] and shamefully....

Source: President Theodore Roosevelt, Second Annual Message to Congress, December 2, 1902

Base your answers to questions 17 and 18 on the statement below and on your knowledge of social studies.

. . This social security measure gives at least some protection to thirty millions of our citizens who will reap direct benefits through unemployment compensation, through old-age pensions and through increased services for the protection of children and the prevention of ill health. . . .This law, too, represents a cornerstone in a structure which is being built but is by no means complete. It is a structure intended to lessen the force of possible future depressions. It will act as a protection to future Administrations against the necessity of going deeply into debt to furnish relief to the needy. The law will flatten out the peaks and valleys of deflation and of inflation. It is, in short, a law that will take care of human needs and at the same time provide the United States an economic structure of vastly greater soundness. . . .

Source: President Franklin D. Roosevelt, statement on signing the Social Security Act, August 14, 1935.

Base your answer to question 23 on the excerpt from the speech below and on your knowledge of social studies.

Three years ago the Supreme Court of this nation rendered in simple, eloquent and unequivocal language a decision which will long be stenciled on the mental sheets of succeeding generations. For all men of good will, this May 17 decision came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of segregation. It came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of distinguished people throughout the world who had dared only to dream of freedom. It came as a legal and sociological deathblow to the old Plessy doctrine of “separate-but-equal.” It came as a reaffirmation of the good old American doctrine of freedom and equality for all people.Unfortunately, this noble and sublime decision has not gone without opposition. This opposition has often risen to ominous proportions. Many states have risen up in open defiance. The legislative halls of the South ring loud with such words as “interposition” and “nullification.” Methods of defiance range from crippling economic reprisals to the tragic reign of violence and terror. All of these forces have conjoined to make for massive resistance.But, even more, all types of conniving methods are still being used to prevent Negroes [African Americans] from becoming registered voters. The denial of this sacred right is a tragic betrayal of the highest mandates of our democratic traditions and it is democracy turned upside down. . . .

Source: Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., “Give Us the Ballot,” May 17, 1957

. . . Every device of which human ingenuity is capable has been used to deny this right. The Negro [African American] citizen may go to register only to be told that the day is wrong, or the hour is late, or the official in charge is absent. And if he persists, and if he manages to present himself to the registrar, he may be disqualified because he did not spell out his middle name or because he abbreviated a word on the application.And if he manages to fill out an application he is given a test. The registrar is the sole judge of whether he passes this test. He may be asked to recite the entire Constitution, or explain the most complex provisions of State law. And even a college degree cannot be used to prove that he can read and write. . . .

Source: President Lyndon B. Johnson, Special Message to Congress, "The American Promise"

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“I [Woodrow Wilson] can predict with absolute certainty that within another generation there will be another world war if the nations of the world do not concert the method [agree to a plan] by which to prevent it.”

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“I [Woodrow Wilson] can predict with absolute certainty that within another generation there will be another world war if the nations of the world do not concert the method [agree to a plan] by which to prevent it.”

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